Individual Rights and Freedoms
This letter of the Universal House of Justice to the
followers of Baháfuflláh in the United States examines the Baháfí teachings on
the subject of individual liberties and responsibilities.
To the Followers of Baháfuflláh in the United States of
America
Dear Baháfí Friends,
We have noticed with concern evidences of a confusion of
attitudes among some of the friends when they encounter difficulties in
applying Baháfí principles to questions of the day. On the one hand, they
acknowledge their belief in Baháfuflláh and His teachings; on the other, they
invoke Western liberal democratic practices when actions of Baháfí institutions
or of some of their fellow Baháfís do not accord with their expectations. At
the heart of this confusion are misconceptions of such fundamental issues as
individual rights and freedom of expression in the Baháfí community. The source
of the potential difficulties of the situation appears to us to be an
inadequacy of Baháfí perspective on the part of both individual believers and
their institutions.
Recognizing the immense challenge
you face to resolve such confusion, we pause to reflect with you on these
issues in search of a context in which relevant fundamental questions may be
discussed and understood in the community.
The extraordinary capacities of the American nation, as
well as the superb stewardship of the Baháfí community within it, have
repeatedly been extolled in the writings of our Faith. In His Tablets and
utterances, eAbdufl-Bahá, the Center of the Covenant, projected a compelling
vision of the world-embracing prospects of that richly endowed country. gThe
American nation,h He averred, gis equipped and empowered to accomplish that
which will adorn the pages of history, to become the envy of the world, and be blest
in both the East and the West for the triumph of its people.h In another
assertion addressed to the Baháfí community itself, He uttered words of
transcendent importance: gc your mission,h He affirmed, gis unspeakably
glorious. Should success crown your enterprise, America will assuredly evolve
into a center from which waves of spiritual power will emanate, and the throne
of the Kingdom of God will, in the plenitude of its majesty and glory, be
firmly established.h
Shoghi Effendi, in various statements, celebrated the
remarkable achievements and potential glories of that specially blessed
community, but was moved to issue, in The Advent of Divine Justice, a
profound warning which is essential to a proper understanding of the relation
of that Baháfí community to the nation from which it has sprung. gThe glowing
tributes,h he solemnly wrote, gso repeatedly and deservedly paid to the
capacity, the spirit, the conduct, and the high rank, of the American
believers, both individually and as an organic community, must, under no
circumstances, be confounded with the characteristics and nature of the people
from which God has raised them up. A sharp distinction between that community
and that people must be made, and resolutely and fearlessly upheld, if we wish
to give due recognition to the transmuting power of the Faith of Baháfuflláh,
in its impact on the lives and standards of those who have chosen to enlist under
His banner. Otherwise, the supreme and distinguishing function of His
Revelation, which is none other than the calling into being of a new race of
men, will remain wholly unrecognized and completely obscured.h It is the
far-reaching, transformative implications of this distinction which we
especially invite you to contemplate.
The vantage point that gives us perspective and is the
foundation of our belief and actions rests on our recognition of the
sovereignty of God and our submission to His will as revealed by Baháfuflláh,
His supreme Manifestation for this promised Day. To accept the Prophet of God
in His time and to abide by His bidding are the two essential, inseparable
duties which each soul was created to fulfill. One exercises these twin duties
by onefs own choice, an act constituting the highest expression of the free
will with which every human being has been endowed by an all-loving Creator.
The vehicle in this resplendent Age for the practical
fulfillment of these duties is the Covenant of Baháfuflláh; it is, indeed, the
potent instrument by which individual belief in Him is translated into
constructive deeds. The Covenant comprises divinely conceived arrangements
necessary to preserve the organic unity of the Cause. It therefore engenders a
motivating power which, as the beloved Master tells us, glike unto the artery,
beats and pulsates in the body of the world.h gIt is indubitably clear,h He
asserts, gthat the pivot of the oneness of mankind is nothing else but the
power of the Covenant.h Through it the meaning of the Word, both in theory and
practice, is made evident in the life and work of eAbdufl-Bahá, the appointed
Interpreter, the perfect Exemplar, the Center of the Covenant. Through it the
processes of the Administrative Order—gthis unique, this
wondrous Systemh—are made to operate.
In emphasizing its distinctiveness, Shoghi Effendi has
pointed out that gthis Administrative Order is fundamentally different from
anything that any Prophet has previously established, inasmuch as Baháfuflláh
has Himself revealed its principles, established its institutions, appointed
the person to interpret His Word and conferred the necessary authority on the
body designed to supplement and apply His legislative ordinances.h In another
statement, he maintains that gIt would be utterly misleading to attempt a
comparison between this unique, divinely conceived Order and any of the diverse
systems which the minds of men, at various periods of their history, have
contrived for the government of human institutions.h gSuch an attempt,h he
felt, gwould in itself betray a lack of complete appreciation of the excellence
of the handiwork of its great Author.h
The lack of such appreciation will detract from the
perspective of anyone who measures Baháfí administrative processes against
practices prevalent in todayfs society. For notwithstanding its inclination to
democratic methods in the administration of its affairs, and regardless of the
resemblance of some of its features to those of other systems, the
Administrative Order is not to be viewed merely as an improvement on past and
existing systems; it represents a departure both in origin and in concept.
gThis newborn Administrative Order,h as Shoghi Effendi has explained,
gincorporates within its structure certain elements which are to be found in
each of the three recognized forms of secular government, without being in any
sense a mere replica of any one of them, and without introducing within its
machinery any of the objectionable features which they inherently possess. It blends
and harmonizes, as no government fashioned by mortal hands has as yet
accomplished, the salutary truths which each of these systems undoubtedly
contains without vitiating the integrity of those God-given verities on which
it is ultimately founded.h
You are, no doubt, conversant with the Guardianfs
expatiations on this theme. Why, then, this insistent emphasis? Why this
repeated review of fundamentals? This emphasis, this review, is to sound an
appeal for solid thinking, for the attainment of correct perspectives, for the
adoption of proper attitudes. And these are impossible without a deep
appreciation of Baháfí fundamentals.
The great emphasis on the distinctiveness of the Order of
Baháfuflláh is not meant to belittle existing systems of government. Indeed,
they are to be recognized as the fruit of a vast period of social evolution,
representing an advanced stage in the development of social organization. What
motivates us is the knowledge that the supreme mission of the Revelation of
Baháfuflláh, the Bearer of that Order, is, as Shoghi Effendi pointed out, gnone
other but the achievement of this organic and spiritual unity of the whole body
of nations,h indicating the gcoming of age of the entire human race.h The
astounding implication of this is the near prospect of attaining an age-old
hope, now made possible at long last by the coming of Baháfuflláh. In practical
terms, His mission signals the advent of gan organic change in the structure of
present-day society, a change such as the world has not yet experienced.h It is
a fresh manifestation of the direct involvement of God in history, a
reassurance that His children have not been left to drift, a sign of the
outpouring of a heavenly grace that will enable all humanity to be free at last
from conflict and contention to ascend the heights of world peace and divine
civilization. Beyond all else, it is a demonstration of that love for His
children, which He knew in the depth of His gimmemorial beingh and in the
gancient eternityh of His Essence, and which caused Him to create us all. In
the noblest sense, then, attention to the requirements of His World Order is a
reciprocation of that love.
* * *
It is this perspective that helps us to understand the
question of freedom and its place in Baháfí thought and action. The idea and
the fact of freedom pervade all human concerns in an infinitude of notions and
modes. Freedom is indeed essential to all expressions of human life.
Freedom of thought, freedom of expression, freedom of
action are among the freedoms which have received the
ardent attention of social thinkers across the centuries. The resulting outflow
of such profound thought has exerted a tremendous liberating influence in the
shaping of modern society. Generations of the oppressed have fought and died in
the name of freedom. Certainly the want of freedom
from oppression has been a dominant factor in the turmoil of the times: witness
the plethora of movements which have resulted in the rapid emergence of new
nations in the latter part of the twentieth century. A true reading of the
teachings of Baháfuflláh leaves no doubt as to the high importance of these
freedoms to constructive social processes. Consider, for instance,
Baháfuflláhfs proclamation to the kings and rulers. Can it not be deduced from
this alone that attainment of freedom is a significant purpose of His
Revelation? His denunciations of tyranny and His urgent appeals on behalf of
the oppressed provide unmistakable proof. But does not the freedom foreshadowed
by His Revelation imply nobler, ampler manifestations of human achievement?
Does it not indicate an organic relationship between the internal and external
realities of man such as has not yet been attained?
In his summary of significant Baháfí teachings, Shoghi
Effendi wrote that Baháfuflláh ginculcates the principle of emoderation in all
thingsf; declares that whatsoever, be it eliberty, civilization and the like,f
epasseth beyond the limits of moderationf must eexercise a pernicious influence
upon menf; observes that western civilization has gravely perturbed and alarmed
the peoples of the world; and predicts that the day is approaching when the
eflamef of a civilization ecarried to excessf ewill devour the cities.fh
Expounding the theme of liberty, Baháfuflláh asserted
that gthe embodiment of liberty and its symbol is the animalh; that gliberty
causeth man to overstep the bounds of propriety, and to infringe on the dignity
of his stationh; that gtrue liberty consisteth in manfs submission unto My
commandments.h gWe approve of liberty in certain circumstances,h He declared,
gand refuse to sanction it in others.h But He gave the assurance that, gWere
men to observe that which We have sent down unto them from the Heaven of
Revelation, they would, of a certainty, attain unto perfect liberty.h And
again, He said, gMankind in its entirety must firmly adhere to whatsoever hath
been revealed and vouchsafed unto it. Then and only then will it attain unto
true liberty.h
Baháfuflláhfs assertions clearly call for an examination
of current assumptions. Should liberty be as free as is supposed in
contemporary Western thought? Where does freedom limit our possibilities for
progress, and where do limits free us to thrive? What are the limits to the
expansion of freedom? For so fluid and elastic are its qualities of application
and expression that the concept of freedom in any given situation is likely to
assume a different latitude from one mind to another; these qualities are,
alas, susceptible to the employment alike of good and evil. Is it any wonder, then,
that Baháfuflláh exhorts us to submission to the will of God?
Since any constructive view of freedom implies limits,
further questions are inevitable: What are the latitudes of freedom in the
Baháfí community? How are these to be determined? Because human beings have
been created to gcarry forward an ever-advancing civilization,h the exercise of
freedom, it may be deduced, is intended to enable all to fulfill this purpose
in their individual lives and in their collective functioning as a society.
Hence whatever in principle is required to realize this purpose gauges the
latitudes or limits of freedom.
Contemplating Baháfuflláhfs warning that gwhatsoever
passeth beyond the limits of moderation will cease to exert a beneficial
influence,h we come to appreciate that the Administrative Order He has
conceived embodies the operating principles which are necessary to the
maintenance of that moderation which will ensure the gtrue libertyh of
humankind. All things considered, does the Administrative Order not appear to
be the structure of freedom for our Age? eAbdufl-Bahá offers us comfort in this
thought, for He has said that gthe moderate freedom which guarantees the
welfare of the world of mankind and maintains and preserves the universal
relationships is found in its fullest power and extension in the teachings of
Baháfuflláh.h
Within this framework of freedom a pattern is set for
institutional and individual behavior which depends for its efficacy not so
much on the force of law, which admittedly must be respected, as on the
recognition of a mutuality of benefits, and on the spirit of cooperation
maintained by the willingness, the courage, the sense of responsibility, and
the initiative of individuals—these being expressions of their devotion and
submission to the will of God. Thus there is a balance
of freedom between the institution, whether national or local, and the
individuals who sustain its existence.
Consider, for example, the Local Spiritual Assembly, the
methods of its formation and the role of individuals in electing it. The voter
elects with the understanding that he is free to choose without any
interference whomever his conscience prompts him to select, and he freely
accepts the authority of the outcome. In the act of voting, the individual
subscribes to a covenant by which the orderliness of society is upheld. The
Assembly has the responsibility to guide, direct and decide on community
affairs and the right to be obeyed and supported by members of the community.
The individual has the responsibility to establish and maintain the Assembly
through election, the offering of advice, moral support and material
assistance; and he has the right to be heard by it, to receive its guidance and
assistance, and to appeal from any Assembly decision which he conscientiously
feels is unjust or detrimental to the interests of the community.
But occupation with the mechanics of Baháfí
Administration, divorced from the animating spirit of the Cause, leads to a
distortion, to an arid secularization foreign to the nature of the
Administration. Equally significant to the procedures for election—to further
extend the example—is the evocation of that rarefied atmosphere of prayer and
reflection, that quiet dignity of the process, devoid of nominations and
campaigning, in which the individualfs freedom to choose is limited only by his
own conscience, exercised in private in an attitude that invites communion with
the Holy Spirit. In this sphere, the elector regards the outcome as an
expression of the will of God, and those elected as being primarily responsible
to that will, not to the constituency which elected them. An election thus
conducted portrays an aspect of that organic unity of the inner and outer
realities of human life which is necessary to the construction of a mature
society in this new Age. In no other system do individuals exercise such a
breadth of freedom in the electoral process.
* * *
The equilibrium of responsibilities implied by all this
presupposes maturity on the part of all concerned. This maturity has an apt
analogy in adulthood in human beings. How significant is the difference between
infancy and childhood, adolescence and adulthood! In a
period of history dominated by the surging energy, the rebellious spirit and
frenetic activity of adolescence, it is difficult to grasp the distinguishing
elements of the mature society to which Baháfuflláh beckons all humanity. The
models of the old world order blur vision of that which must be perceived; for
these models were, in many instances, conceived in rebellion and retain the
characteristics of the revolutions peculiar to an adolescent, albeit necessary,
period in the evolution of human society. The very philosophies which have
provided the intellectual content of such revolutions—Hobbes, Locke, Jefferson,
Mill come readily to mind—were inspired by protest against the oppressive
conditions which revolutions were intended to remedy.
These characteristics are conspicuous, for example, in
the inordinate skepticism regarding authority, and consequently, in the grudging
respect which the citizens of various nations show toward their governments;
they have become pronounced in the incessant promotion of individualism, often
to the detriment of the wider interests of society. How aptly, even after the
lapse of half a century, Shoghi Effendifs views, as conveyed by his secretary,
fit the contemporary scene: gOur present generation, mainly due to the
corruptions that have been identified with organizations, seem to stand against
any institution. Religion as an institution is denounced. Government as an
institution is denounced. Even marriage as an institution is denounced. We
Baháfís should not be blinded by such prevalent notions. If such were the case,
all the divine Manifestations would not have invariably appointed someone to
succeed Them. Undoubtedly, corruptions did enter those institutions, but these
corruptions were not due to the very nature of the institutions but to the lack
of proper directions as to their powers and nature of their perpetuation. What
Baháfuflláh has done is not to eliminate all institutions in the Cause but to
provide the necessary safeguards that would eliminate corruptions that caused
the fall of previous institutions. What those safeguards are is most
interesting to study and find out and also most essential to know.h
We make these observations not to indulge in criticism of
any system, but rather to open up lines of thought, to encourage a
reexamination of the bases of modern society, and to engender a perspective for
consideration of the distinctive features of the Order of Baháfuflláh. What, it
could be asked, was the nature of society that gave rise to such
characteristics and such philosophies? Where have these taken mankind? Has
their employment satisfied the needs and expectations of the human spirit? The
answers to such questions could lay the ground for a contrasting observation of
the origin and nature of the characteristics and philosophy underlying that
Order.
* * *
As to freedom of expression, a fundamental principle of
the Cause, the Administrative Order provides unique methods and channels for
its exercise and maintenance; these have been amply described in the writings
of the Faith, but they are not yet clearly understood by the friends. For
Baháfuflláh has extended the scope and deepened the meaning of self-expression.
In His elevation of art and of work performed in the service of humanity to
acts of worship can be discerned enormous prospects for a new birth of
expression in the civilization anticipated by His World Order. The significance
of this principle, now so greatly amplified by the Lord of the Age, cannot be
doubted; but it is in its ramifications in speech that keen understanding is
urgently needed. From a Baháfí point of view, the exercise of freedom of speech
must necessarily be disciplined by a profound appreciation of both the positive
and negative dimensions of freedom, on the one hand, and of speech, on the
other.
Baháfuflláh warns us that gthe tongue is a smoldering
fire, and excess of speech a deadly poison.h gMaterial fire consumeth the
body,h He says in elaborating the point, gwhereas the fire of the tongue
devoureth both heart and soul. The force of the former lasteth but for a time,
whilst the effects of the latter endureth a century.h In tracing the framework of
free speech, He again advises gmoderation.h gHuman utterance is an essence
which aspireth to exert its influence and needeth moderation,h He states,
adding, gAs to its influence, this is conditional upon refinement which in turn
is dependent upon hearts which are detached and pure. As to its moderation,
this hath to be combined with tact and wisdom as prescribed in the Holy
Scriptures and Tablets.h
Also relevant to what is said, and how, is when it is
said. For speech, as for so many other things, there is a season. Baháfuflláh
reinforces this understanding by drawing attention to the maxim that gNot
everything that a man knoweth can be disclosed, nor can everything that he can
disclose be regarded as timely, nor can every timely utterance be considered as
suited to the capacity of those who hear it.h
Speech is a powerful phenomenon. Its freedom is both to
be extolled and feared. It calls for an acute exercise of judgment, since both
the limitation of speech and the excess of it can lead to dire consequences. Thus there exist in the system of Baháfuflláh checks and
balances necessary to the beneficial uses of this freedom in the onward
development of society. A careful examination of the principles of Baháfí
consultation and the formal and informal arrangements for employing them offer
new insights into the dynamics of freedom of expression.
As it is beyond the scope of this letter to expatiate
upon these principles, let it suffice to recall briefly certain of the
requisites of consultation, particularly for those who serve on Spiritual
Assemblies. Love and harmony, purity of motive, humility and lowliness amongst
the friends, patience and long-suffering in difficulties—these inform the
attitude with which they proceed gwith the utmost devotion, courtesy, dignity,
care and moderation to express their views,h each using gperfect libertyh both
in so doing and in gunveiling the proof of his demonstration.h gIf another
contradicts him, he must not become excited because if there be no
investigation or verification of questions and matters, the agreeable view will
not be discovered neither understood.h gThe shining spark of truth cometh forth
only after the clash of differing opinions.h If unanimity is not subsequently
achieved, decisions are arrived at by majority vote.
Once a decision has been reached, all members of the
consultative body, having had the opportunity fully to state their views, agree
wholeheartedly to support the outcome. What if the minority view is right? gIf
they agree upon a subject,h eAbdufl-Bahá has explained, geven though it be
wrong, it is better than to disagree and be in the right, for this difference
will produce the demolition of the divine foundation. Though one of the parties
may be in the right and they disagree, that will be the cause of a thousand
wrongs, but if they agree and both parties are in the wrong, as it is in unity,
the truth will be revealed and the wrong made right.h Implicit in this approach
to the social utility of thought is the profundity of the change in the
standard of public discussion intended by Baháfuflláh for a mature society.
The qualities by which the individual can achieve the
personal discipline necessary to successful consultation find their full
expression in what Shoghi Effendi regarded as the gspirit of a true Baháfí.h
Ponder, for instance, the appealing remark addressed to your own community in
one of his earliest letters: gNothing short of the spirit of a true Baháfí can
hope to reconcile the principles of mercy and justice, of freedom and
submission, of the sanctity of the right of the individual and of
self-surrender, of vigilance, discretion and prudence on the one hand, and fellowship,
candor, and courage on the other.h This was an appeal to the maturity and the
distinction towards which he repeatedly directed their thoughts.
* * *
Because the Most Great Peace is
the object of our longing, a primary effort of the Baháfí community is to
reduce the incidence of conflict and contention, which are categorically
forbidden in the Most Holy Book. Does this mean that one may not express
critical thought? Absolutely not. How can there be the candor called for in
consultation if there is no critical thought? How is the individual to exercise
his responsibilities to the Cause, if he is not allowed the freedom to express
his views? Has Shoghi Effendi not stated that gat the very root of the Cause
lies the principle of the undoubted right of the individual to self-expression,
his freedom to declare his conscience and set forth his viewsh?
The Administrative Order provides channels for expression
of criticism, acknowledging, as a matter of principle, that git is not only the
right, but the vital responsibility of every loyal and intelligent member of
the community to offer fully and frankly, but with due respect and
consideration to the authority of the Assembly, any suggestion, recommendation
or criticism he conscientiously feels he should in order to improve and remedy
certain existing conditions or trends in his local community.h Correspondingly,
the Assembly has the duty gto give careful consideration to any such views
submitted to them.h
Apart from the direct access which one has to an Assembly,
local or national, or to a Counselor or Auxiliary Board member, there are
specific occasions for the airing of onefs views in the community. The most
frequent of these occasions for any Baháfí is the Nineteen Day Feast which,
gbesides its social and spiritual aspects, fulfills various administrative
needs and requirements of the community, chief among them being the need for
open and constructive criticism and deliberation regarding the state of affairs
within the local Baháfí community.h At the same time, Shoghi Effendifs advice,
as conveyed by his secretary, goes on to stress the point that gall criticisms
and discussions of a negative character which may result in undermining the
authority of the Assembly as a body should be strictly avoided. For otherwise
the order of the Cause itself will be endangered, and confusion and discord
will reign in the community.h
Clearly, then, there is more to be considered than the
criticfs right to self-expression; the unifying spirit of the Cause of God must
also be preserved, the authority of its laws and ordinances safeguarded,
authority being an indispensable aspect of freedom. Motive, manner, mode,
become relevant; but there is also the matter of love: love for onefs fellows,
love for onefs community, love for onefs institutions.
The responsibility resting on the individual to conduct
himself in such a way as to ensure the stability of society takes on elemental
importance in this context. For vital as it is to the progress of society,
criticism is a two-edged sword: it is all too often the harbinger of conflict
and contention. The balanced processes of the Administrative Order are meant to
prevent this essential activity from degenerating to any form of dissent that
breeds opposition and its dreadful schismatic consequences. How incalculable
have been the negative results of ill-directed criticism: in the catastrophic
divergences it has created in religion, in the equally contentious factions it
has spawned in political systems, which have dignified conflict by institutionalizing
such concepts as the gloyal oppositionh which attach to one or another of the
various categories of political opinion—conservative, liberal, progressive,
reactionary, and so forth.
If Baháfí individuals deliberately ignore the principles
imbedded in the Order which Baháfuflláh Himself has established to remedy
divisiveness in the human family, the Cause for which so much has been
sacrificed will surely be set back in its mission to rescue world society from
complete disintegration. May not the existence of the Covenant be invoked again
and again, so that such repetition may preserve the needed perspective? For, in
this age, the Cause of Baháfuflláh has been protected against the baneful
effects of the misuse of the process of criticism; this has been done by the
institution of the Covenant and by the provision of a universal administrative
system which incorporates within itself the mechanisms for drawing out the
constructive ideas of individuals and using them for the benefit of the entire system.
Admonishing the people to uphold the unifying purpose of the Cause,
Baháfuflláh, in the Book of His Covenant, addresses these poignant words to
them: gLet not the means of order be made the cause of confusion and the
instrument of union an occasion for discord.h Such assertions emphasize a
crucial point; it is this: In terms of the Covenant, dissidence is a moral and
intellectual contradiction of the main objective animating the Baháfí
community, namely, the establishment of the unity of mankind.
* * *
We return to the phenomenal characteristics of speech.
Content, volume, style, tact, wisdom, timeliness are
among the critical factors in determining the effects of speech for good or
evil. Consequently, the friends need ever to be conscious of the significance
of this activity which so distinguishes human beings from other forms of life,
and they must exercise it judiciously. Their efforts at such discipline will
give birth to an etiquette of expression worthy of the approaching maturity of
the human race. Just as this discipline applies to the spoken word, it applies
equally to the written word; and it profoundly affects the operation of the
press.
The significance and role of the press in a new world
system are conspicuous in the emphasis which the Order of Baháfuflláh places on
accessibility to information at all levels of society. Shoghi Effendi tells us
that Baháfuflláh makes gspecific reference to ethe swiftly appearing
newspapers,f describes them as ethe mirror of the worldf and as ean amazing and
potent phenomenon,f and prescribes to all who are responsible for their
production the duty to be sanctified from malice, passion and prejudice, to be
just and fair-minded, to be painstaking in their inquiries, and ascertain all
the facts in every situation.h
In His social treatise, The Secret of Divine
Civilization, eAbdufl-Bahá offers insight as to the indispensability of the
press in future society. He says it is gurgent that beneficial articles and
books be written, clearly and definitely establishing what the present-day
requirements of the people are, and what will conduce to the happiness and
advancement of society.h Further, He writes of the gpublication of high
thoughtsh as the gdynamic power in the arteries of life,h gthe very soul of the
world.h Moreover, He states that gPublic opinion must be directed toward
whatever is worthy of this day, and this is impossible except through the use
of adequate arguments and the adducing of clear, comprehensive and conclusive
proofs.h
As to manner and style, Baháfuflláh has exhorted gauthors
among the friendsh to gwrite in such a way as would be acceptable to
fair-minded souls, and not lead to caviling by the people.h And He issues a
reminder: gWe have said in the past that one word hath the influence of spring and
causeth hearts to become fresh and verdant, while another is like unto blight
which causeth the blossoms and flowers to wither.h
In the light of all this, the code of conduct of the
press must embrace the principles and objectives of consultation as revealed by
Baháfuflláh. Only in this way will the press be able to make its full
contribution to the preservation of the rights of the people and become a
powerful instrument in the consultative processes of society, and hence for the
unity of the human race.
* * *
Some of the friends have suggested that the emergence of
the Faith from obscurity indicates the timeliness of ceasing observance in the
Baháfí community of certain restraints; particularly are they concerned about
the temporary necessity of review before publishing.
That the Faith has emerged from obscurity on a global
scale is certain. This definitely marks a triumphant stage in the efforts of
the community to register its existence on the minds of those who influence
world events. Consider how, because of the sufferings and sacrifices of the
friends in Iran, the concerns of the community in these respects have become a
matter of discussion in the most influential parliaments and the most important
international forums on earth. That this emergence frees the Cause to pursue
objectives hitherto unreachable is also undeniable; but that it marks the
attainment of the communityfs anticipated maturity is entirely doubtful.
How could it have attained maturity, when we know from
the clear guidance of the beloved Guardian that obscurity is but one of the
many stages in the long evolution towards the Faithfs golden destiny? Has he
not advised us all that the subsequent stage of oppression must precede the
stages of its emancipation and its recognition as a world religion? Can the
friends forget the oft-quoted warning of eAbdufl-Bahá concerning the bitter
opposition that will confront the Cause in various lands on all continents? In
the case of the American believers, has Shoghi Effendi not alluded to this coming
fury in his description of them as gthe invincible Army of Baháfuflláh, who in
the West, and at one of its potential storm centers is to fight, in His name
and for His sake, one of its fiercest and most glorious battlesh?
Those who are anxious to relax all restraint, who invoke
freedom of speech as the rationale for publishing every and any thing
concerning the Baháfí community, who call for the immediate termination of the
practice of review now that the Faith has emerged from obscurity—are they not
aware of these sobering prospects? Widespread as has been the public revulsion
to the current persecutions in Iran, let there be no mistake about the
certainty of the opposition which must yet be confronted in many countries,
including that which is the Cradle of the Administrative Order itself.
The Faith is as yet in its infancy. Despite its emergence
from obscurity, even now the vast majority of the human race remains ignorant
of its existence; moreover, the vast majority of its adherents are relatively
new Baháfís. The change implied by this new stage in its evolution is that
whereas heretofore this tender plant was protected in its obscurity from the
attention of external elements, it has now become exposed. This exposure
invites close observation, and that observation will eventually lead to
opposition in various quarters. So, far from adopting a carefree attitude, the
community must be conscious of the necessity to present a correct view of
itself and an accurate understanding of its purpose to a largely skeptical
public. A greater effort, a greater care must now be exercised to ensure its
protection against the malice of the ignorant and the unwisdom of its friends.
Let us all remember that the struggle of the infant Faith
of God to thrive is beset with the turmoil of the present age. Like a tender
shoot just barely discernible above ground, it must be nurtured to strength and
maturity and buttressed as necessary against the blight of strong winds and
deadly entanglements with weeds and thistles. If we to whose care this plant
has been entrusted are insensitive to its tenderness, the great tree which is
its certain potential will be hindered in its growth towards the spreading of
its sheltering branches over all humankind. From this perspective we must all consider
the latent danger to the Cause of ill-advised actions and exaggerated
expectations; and particularly must we all be concerned about the effects of
words, especially those put in print. It is here that Baháfí authors and
publishers need to be attentive and exert rigorous discipline upon themselves,
as well as abide by the requirements of review at this early stage in the
development of the Faith.
* * *
The right of the individual to self-expression has
permeated the foregoing comments on the various freedoms, but, even so, a word
more might be said about individual freedom. The fundamental attitude of the
Faith in this respect is best demonstrated by statements of eAbdufl-Bahá
concerning the family. gThe integrity of the family bond,h He says, gmust be constantly
considered, and the rights of the individual members must not be transgressed.c
All these rights and prerogatives must be conserved, yet the unity of the
family must be sustained. The injury of one shall be considered the injury of
all; the comfort of each, the comfort of all; the honor of one, the honor of
all.h
The individualfs relation to society is explained by
Shoghi Effendi in the statement that gThe Baháfí conception of social life is
essentially based on the principle of the subordination of the individual will
to that of society. It neither suppresses the individual nor does it exalt him
to the point of making him an anti-social creature, a menace to society. As in
everything, it follows the egolden mean.fh
This relationship, so fundamental to the maintenance of
civilized life, calls for the utmost degree of understanding and cooperation
between society and the individual; and because of the need to foster a climate
in which the untold potentialities of the individual members of society can
develop, this relationship must allow gfree scopeh for gindividuality to assert
itselfh through modes of spontaneity, initiative and diversity that ensure the
viability of society. Among the responsibilities assigned to Baháfí
institutions which have a direct bearing on these aspects of individual freedom
and development is one which is thus described in the Constitution of the
Universal House of Justice: gto safeguard the personal rights, freedom and
initiative of individuals.h A corollary is: gto give attention to the
preservation of human honor.h
How noteworthy that in the Order of Baháfuflláh, while
the individual will is subordinated to that of society, the individual is not
lost in the mass but becomes the focus of primary development, so that he may
find his own place in the flow of progress, and society as a whole may benefit
from the accumulated talents and abilities of the individuals composing it.
Such an individual finds fulfillment of his potential not merely in satisfying
his own wants but in realizing his completeness in being at one with humanity
and with the divinely ordained purpose of creation.
The quality of freedom and of its expression—indeed, the
very capacity to maintain freedom in a society—undoubtedly depends on the
knowledge and training of individuals and on their ability to cope with the
challenges of life with equanimity. As the beloved Master has written: gAnd the
honor and distinction of the individual consist in this, that he among all the
worldfs multitudes should become a source of social good. Is any larger bounty
conceivable than this, that an individual, looking within himself, should find
that by the confirming grace of God he has become the cause of peace and
well-being, of happiness and advantage to his fellowmen? No, by the one true
God, there is no greater bliss, no more complete delight.h
* * *
The spirit of liberty which in recent decades has swept
over the planet with such tempestuous force is a manifestation of the vibrancy
of the Revelation brought by Baháfuflláh. His own words confirm it. gThe
Ancient Beauty,h He wrote in a soul-stirring commentary on His sufferings,
ghath consented to be bound with chains that mankind may be released from its
bondage, and hath accepted to be made a prisoner within this most mighty
Stronghold that the whole world may attain unto true liberty.h
Might it not be reasonably concluded, then, that gtrue
libertyh is His gift of love to the human race? Consider what Baháfuflláh has
done: He revealed laws and principles to guide the free; He established an
Order to channel the actions of the free; He proclaimed a Covenant to guarantee
the unity of the free.
Thus, we hold to this ultimate perspective: Baháfuflláh
came to set humanity free. His Revelation is, indeed, an invitation to
freedom—freedom from want, freedom from war, freedom to unite, freedom to
progress, freedom in peace and joy.
You who live in a land where freedom is so highly prized
have not, then, to dispense with its fruits, but you are challenged and do have
the obligation to uphold and vindicate the distinction between the license that
limits your possibilities for genuine progress and the moderation that ensures
the enjoyment of true liberty.
The Universal House of Justice